A Mixed-Methods Examination of the Risks and Rewards of Being a Female in a Sexualized Work Environment

A MIXED-METHODS EXAMINATION OF THE RISKS AND REWARDS OF BEING A FEMALE IN A SEXUALIZED WORK ENVIRONMENT VICTORIA TOMKINSON STETSON UNIVERSITY DECEMBER 10, 2015 Soci 499: Senior Research RESEARCH THESIS 1 A Mixed- Methods Examination of the Risks and Rewards of Being a Female in a Sexualized Work Environment The purpose of this mixed-methods study is to explore the risks and rewards associated with being a female employed at a sexualized restaurant, discover what these sexualized employees have in common, and discover what makes these females different or unique from each other. Grounded in the objectification theory framework, feminist theory, and rational choice theory the sexualization of these females is examined. I distributed a paper questionnaire to a population of 32 adult females and created an identical online version of the questionnaire using SurveyMonkey.com. My sample consisted of 25 adult female respondents recruited through convenience sampling. Data was collected quantitatively measuring the respondent’s opinion of the uniform worn, level of job satisfaction, and enjoyment of sexualization. My role as a participant observer also allowed for data to be collected through conversations and experiences relating to the sexualized worker. Data was analyzed and coded thematically around codes pertaining to the risks (feeling objectified, sexual harassment, and female judgment of the workers), the rewards (friendships, viewing oneself positively, tuition reimbursement, and making good money), and a neutral category of which both risks and rewards were present ( job affecting future, an attention to weight and male judgment of physical appearance). I conclude that in the case of the sexualized worker, the rewards outweigh the risks, and while feminists may be quick to label/condemn working at a sexualized restaurant as buying into patriarchy, my study paints such a decision as a rational choice. Women carefully consider the cost-benefits of working in such an environment and it may actually empower them through lucrative financial gains that help them to further their education or position in society. 2 Table of Contents CHAPTER ONE ................................................................................................................................................ Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 3 Problem Statement .................................................................................................................................. 4 Theory ...................................................................................................................................................... 5 Literature Review ..................................................................................................................................... 9 Research Questions................................................................................................................................ 13 Concepts ................................................................................................................................................. 14 CHAPTER TWO ............................................................................................................................................... Research Design ..................................................................................................................................... 15 Population and Sampling Design ............................................................................................................ 16 Methods of Data Collection .................................................................................................................... 17 Instrumentation ..................................................................................................................................... 18 Procedure and Logistical Issues .............................................................................................................. 19 Data Processing and Analysis .................................................................................................................. 20 CHAPTER THREE ............................................................................................................................................. Results .................................................................................................................................................... 22 Qualitative Findings ............................................................................................................................... 26 Quantitative Findings .............................................................................................................................. 39 CHAPTER FOUR .............................................................................................................................................. Summary ................................................................................................................................................ 44 Discussion ............................................................................................................................................... 46 Implications ............................................................................................................................................ 48 Strengths ................................................................................................................................................ 50 Limitations .............................................................................................................................................. 51 Suggestions for Further Research ........................................................................................................... 51 Conclusion .............................................................................................................................................. 52 Works Cited ............................................................................................................................................... 56 Appendix A: Reflection.............................................................................................................................. 58 Appendix B: Supplementary Tables ........................................................................................................... 59 Appendix C: Informed Consent Form ........................................................................................................ 60 Questionnaire ............................................................................................................................................ 63 3 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION With over 11 million employees, the restaurant industry is one of the largest and fastest growing economic sectors in the country. According to Restaurant Opportunities Centers United, women occupy most restaurant jobs; more than 70% of servers are women and more than 60% of all tipped occupations are filled by women (2014). This statistic can be attributed to the socially created construct that restaurant waitressing is considered to be “women’s work” because the work activities are culturally considered feminine and women typically perform it. For instance, young girls are socialized to cook, clean, and serve whereas men are socialized to be the breadwinner and fix things around the house. Individuals, according to Hall, “do gender” by performing their jobs in certain ways because their jobs are structured to demand gender displays (1993). In particular her study focused on the behavioral scripts that servers are expected to exhibit to give “good” service such as women being friendlier and submissive and men being more formal in their interactions with customers. Gender is an action occurring between people in a particular setting (Hall 1993) and plays an important role in the workplace, of which, is loaded with gendered social contexts and expectations. For example, Hall found that appearance norms and interactional styles differentiate between male and female workers doing the same job in the same work setting, creating gender meanings of the work (1993). More often than not, in modern day America, these gender meanings involve the incorporation of female sex appeal, particularly in the restaurant industry. Limited research has been conducted on the issue of sexuality at work or sexualized restaurants. Furthermore there is little systematic description of non-harassing sexual behavior within the workplace and few attempts to understand sexuality at work. Aside from determining 4 whether a particular behavior is or is not harassment, sexual harassment is a clear risk of the sexualized worker. Therefore, I ask the question: what are the rewards women find by fulfilling the position of a sexualized restaurant worker? The restaurant industry understands the concept that “sex sells” and capitalizes upon this phrase. Research on the individuals behind the idea that “sex sells” is few and far between. The women who choose to capitalize on their sexuality are facing both risks and rewards by their position within the restaurant industry and the overall goal of my study is to highlight these differences. PROBLEM STATEMENT My study will examine sexualized restaurants, and in particular, the array of various risks and rewards associated with being a sexualized female server. Along with these risks and rewards encountered by females I want to examine what makes these females similar and unique from each other. I selected this topic due to the vast amount of research available on sexual harassment in the restaurant industry, and while it is a common problem, there is little research on the women who choose to objectify themselves in a sexualized environment or the rewards that they find within their employment. As previously stated, a majority of women are servers, making the restaurant industry an impeccable research site for my study. The rationale for doing this study stems from a lack of research on the rewards and the extent of the risks women in the sexualized restaurant industry endure. The purpose of examining the topic of women working in a sexualized restaurant is to expose why these women choose to objectify themselves and if they view their work as objectifying. I am also seeking to uncover the motivations and rewards of working in a sexualized restaurant. Sociologically, sexualized workers are viewed as a negative phenomenon. Some feminists claim these women are degrading themselves for the pleasure of men. Sexual 5 objectification theory claims that sexualized workers will eventually internalize an outsider view and begin to treat themselves as an object. With so much research on the negative aspects of being a sexualized female, what makes these women choose to actively seek out an occupation in which they know they will be sexualized? My main research questions are: what are the risks and rewards that women face while working in a sexualized restaurant? What do these females have in common? What makes these females different or unique from each other? While sexual harassment may be an assumed risk and financial gain an assumed reward, distributing an open-ended questionnaire to a population of approximately 25 females working at a sexualized restaurant may add to the limited body of literature on the risks and rewards of working in a sexualized environment. The advantages of distributing a questionnaire are: cost effectiveness, the ability to gather a lot of information relatively quickly, and a higher level of objectivity since responses are gathered in a standardized way. A few disadvantages of a questionnaire are: time, since open-ended questions may take more time to code, the possibility of individuals to misinterpret questions, and the possibility that individuals will not respond. Overall, using a questionnaire to study the risks and rewards of working in a sexualized restaurant seems to be the most feasible way to answer my research questions. THEORY My study will focus primarily on sexual objectification theory because of the study’s involvement with traditional gender role socialization, the bodies of women on display, and the acknowledgement and approval of the male gaze. Traditional gender role socialization occurs when individuals learn the expected behaviors associated with one’s sex. This occurs in the sexualized restaurant industry because women are expected to be feminine, for example, their hair must be done, makeup must be worn, etc. The uniforms accentuate typically feminine bodily 6 features such as the breasts. Sexual joking and innuendo are seen as acceptable in the restaurant and often times viewed as a means of a higher tip. Western culture thrives off of sex appeal as a means of capitalistic productions, and I argue that capital dictates one’s position within society and therefore forms the foundation of social life. As a result women are more inclined to use their sexuality for larger capital gains. The phrase, “sex sells” is prevalent throughout modern times and as a result, restaurants have learned this concept and used it as a means of capitalism. Such an emphasis on image and outward appearance provides to be the basis for sexual objectification and feminist theories regarding objectification. Feminist theory roughly defines objectification as the seeing and/or treating of a person, usually a woman, as an object. Uniforms are frequently used as a means of objectifying individuals in the restaurant industry. Adkins research indicates that “men’s looks were not the subject of attention at either workplace [studied],” and “it was a condition of employment for women who worked in the bar that they wear their uniform ‘off the shoulder’” (1992). Sexual objectification theory will be used to provide insight into the work of individuals, particularly females that experience sexually objectifying environments. Derived from feminism, the concept of objectification plays an important role in achieving gender equality. I argue that objectification plays a socially and economically elevating element for women, objectification based off of the female sex appeal. Shortcomings within the research of sexual objectification theory include: a further examination of factors that contribute to a woman’s decision to play a role in sexual objectification and sociocultural and demographic evaluations of women that choose to involve themselves in a sexually objectified workplace. 7 Feminism is said to be the advocacy of women’s rights on the grounds of political, social, and economic equality to men. I intend to use a particular feminist’s theory to understand and explain objectification and develop my argument that objectification may be rewarding rather than exploitative. Feminist Catherine MacKinnon develops her theory of gender as a theory of sexuality. For MacKinnon being sexually objectified is constitutive of being a woman; a female who escapes sexual objectification, then, would not count as a woman (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy 2011). Therefore, I argue that women are not always degraded by sexual objectification and it can in fact be a natural part of life and, in some aspects, can even be rewarding. MacKinnon believes in gender realism; that women as a group are assumed to share some characteristic feature, experience, or common condition that defines their gender and the possession of which makes some individuals women, as opposed to men (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy 2011). This perspective is something that I claim throughout my study. I believe there will be distinct similarities among my research participants in regards to the rewards they believe they acquire. A sort of culture arises among the girls as a result of being a female sexualized restaurant worker. The shared experiences and stories make these women relate to each other on a more intimate level as opposed to the female sexualized restaurant patron. A criticism of gender realism is the mistaken assumption that gender is constructed independently of race, class, ethnicity, and nationality. A criticism of MacKinnon’s view of sexual objectification is that it fails to take into account the differences in the backgrounds of the females. For example, women of color during the racial oppression were seen as hypersexualized and white women were seen as sexually virtuous. These cultural discrepancies can lead to different expectations during socialization processes. 8 Rational choice theory, at the individual level, stipulates that the individual chooses the action or outcome they most prefer. In the case where actions or outcomes can be evaluated in terms of costs and benefits, a rational individual chooses the action or outcome that provides the maximum benefit. Furthermore, the theory assumes that people are motivated by money and by the possibility of making a profit. In regards to the sexualized female worker, I argue that the females are weighing the cost of objectification to the benefit of making a profit and choosing to be objectified in order to make a profit. In rational choice theories, individuals are seen as motivated by the goals that express their preferences. They act within specific, given constraints and on the basis of information that they have about the conditions in which they are acting. Therefore, I argue that the female sexualized worker is not a victim in their role as one that is objectified, but rather acting on the rationalized decision to become employed at a sexualized restaurant in order to gain economically. To test this argument, I will ask respondents why they decided to work at their sexualized restaurant. I hypothesize that the most common response will be an economic motivation. Both the assumptions and the behavioral predictions of rational choice theory have sparked criticisms. Criticisms of the concept of rationality and the misunderstanding of social agents provide to be further criticisms of the theory. Furthermore, critics argue that the rational model makes unrealistic assumptions, particularly about the amount of information available and an individual’s ability to process this information, in order to simplify possible choices and predictions. Rather than always seeking to optimize benefits while minimizing costs, people are often willing to choose an acceptable option rather than the optimal one. This is especially true when it is difficult to precisely measure and assess factors among the selection criteria. Prospect theory and bounded rationality are two alternatives to decision making. 9 LITERATURE REVIEW Gender and Sexuality A great deal of feminist research has shown just how important sexual relations are for controlling and shaping all aspects of social reality for women (Adkins 1992). Sexuality is a structuring process of gender. By this, one is indicating that sexuality is socially constructed; it is a product of the environment within which the individual is found. It is important to note that gender is the hierarchal relationship between men and women. By this I am indicating that gender-role socialization and traditional scripts for sexuality dictate that women be submissive and tender and that men be assertive and dominant. According to Hundhammer and Mussweiler research shows that in sexual situations women and men feel especially compelled to act in accordance with behavioral scripts based on their respective gender stereotypes or “gender roles” (2012). This incorporation of gender leads to the implications of why it is important to study females in a sexualized work environment. Sexual Objectification Sexual objectification of women in Western culture has become a phenomenon. The theory posits that objectification occurs when women are visually sized up and appraised based on sexual attributes and physical attractiveness (Szymanski and Moffitt 2011). Traditional views of women’s sexuality depicts women as being passive recipients of men’s desire and violations of this traditional sexual script may encourage women to behave in less traditional ways in other life domains. By using sexuality as a means of power, the traditional sexual script is violated and acceptance of individuals embracing sexually objectifying roles is a concept that is slow to progress. Furthermore, many researchers believe that sexual objectification will cause harmful 10 psychological outcomes for the individual who is objectified. Szymanski and Feltman examined the relationships between experiences of working in a sexually objectifying environment and psychological and job related outcomes in a sample of 253 waitresses (2015). Their findings revealed that sexually objectifying work environments were positively correlated with waitresses’ experiences of interpersonal sexual objectification at work, internalization of cultural standards of beauty, and depression. On the other hand, sexually objectifying environments were not directly related to self- objectification, body shame, self- esteem, or health habits (Szymanski and Feltman 2015). Related to this notion, Breines, Crocker, and Garcia (2008) found that women’s perceived level of their own attractiveness interacted with self-objectification in predicting well-being. That is, women who have high self-esteem and base their self-worth on appearance experience more well-being when they self-objectify, in part because they feel more attractive than other women when self-objectifying. Sexuality at Work Research conducted by Muller, Riegraf, and Wilz showed that most employees view sexual behavior at work as benign or even positive and that in general most employees tend to believe that people will be flattered by sexual overtures from the other sex (2013). An opposing statement and hence a risk associated with sexuality in the workplace stems from Lisa Adkins’ study which found that in relation to women’s employment at the two workplaces she studied, a leisure park and a hotel, having and maintaining an attractive appearance formed part of the process through which women workers were sexualized, and hence downgraded/degraded (1992). Furthermore, the study found that women had no choice but to be “heterosexualized,” or forced to give the appearance that one is attracted to the opposite sex, as a result of their employment in which the women must participate in sexual interactions with males. These are 11 risks associated with sexuality in the workplace. On the other hand, at the Leisure Park and hotel Adkins studied she found that some women enjoyed some of their sexual interactions with men and found most of the interactions annoying rather than threatening. Some women manipulated such interactions with men for material gain and personal enjoyment. This study is a prime indicator that there are both risks and rewards that women face while being sexually objectified. Sexualization Sexualization occurs when people are valued through their sexuality, attractiveness is conflated with sexiness, or people are considered to be sex objects (Erchull 2013). Despite considerable literature on the negative effects of sexualization there is limited literature on the fact that some women may find that embracing their sexuality is a form of power over others or personal empowerment. Erchull and Liss investigated the relationship between the enjoyment of sexualization and attitudes related to feminism, specifically the recognition of gender inequality and the need for social change, among a group of self-identified feminist women (2013). While the study’s purpose was to understand the extent to which self-identified young heterosexual women enjoyed sexualization, the study is limited to only these self-identified heterosexual young women. I plan to investigate a similar concept, sexualization, and the extent to which it is enjoyed, but among sexualized workers, not self-identified feminists. I feel as though this will add knowledge to the body of limited literature on the understanding of sexually objectified women, especially those in the restaurant industry. According to Erchull and Liss, feminists who enjoy sexualization may not see themselves as passive arm candy, but rather as active participants in gaining and enjoying sexualized male attention (2013). Hall elaborates by stating that waitressing is seen as typical “women’s work” because it involves culturally understood extensions of femininity-serving, supporting, and deferring to men (1993). Hall’s research 12 focused on the way restaurants use job titles and uniforms to reaffirm the gendered service style that workers are expected to perform and the way servers use them to negotiate the gender meanings of their jobs. Restaurant dress codes are a way of incorporating gender meanings into the work. The waitresses interviewed by LaPointe were aware of the cultural image created by uniforms and expressed concern over the use of three types of uniforms, those that were sexually degrading, childish, and physically confining (1992) Examining a sexualized restaurant will prove to add to the body of literature on how women internalize the practices of being sexually objectified in a work environment and if the sexualized uniforms are used to negotiate a higher reward, whether it be monetary or for personal gain. Sexual harassment Another valuable concept to be examined is that of sexual harassment in the sexualized workplace. While much literature has examined and problematized the idea of sexualized workplace encounters few researchers have investigated women’s participation in consensual, non-harassing workplace sexual interactions. As Lerum’s study found, the more sexualized the job, the more sexualized the camaraderie (2004). The handbook of the sexualized workplace I will study makes clear that the atmosphere is one based off the female sex-appeal and it is well known that sexual innuendo and joking are to be taken lightheartedly. As a result of this, females are knowingly accepting the role as a sexualized individual and make changes in their actions and expressions to deal with this objectification. As Loe writes, “Bazooms girls are not helpless performers, they are women struggling to find ways to alter their roles, rewrite the script, and refashion the nature of the drama” (1996). The sexualized female has developed tactics to moderate the exploitive elements of her job. 13 My goal is to understand how women working at a sexualized restaurant perceive the risks and rewards through the use of their bodies as waitresses and if they believe the rewards outweigh the benefits. Furthermore, I plan to investigate what exactly it is that these women find rewarding in their workplace, whether it be embracing a form of power over others, their gender, or their sexuality. This is an important concept because research on sexual harassment is so prevalent while research on what the women find rewarding in sexualized waitressing is not. RESEARCH QUESTION The main research question to be addressed in my study is: What are the risks and rewards of being a female and working in a sexualized restaurant? What do these females have in common? What makes these females different or unique from one another? Exploring these attributes serves to provide the overall goal of adding to the body of literature on the rewards females gain from working in a sexualized restaurant, how they view themselves, and what they see as the biggest risks in their employment. The independent variable is being a female. The dependent variables are risks and rewards associated with working at a sexualized restaurant of which is the control variable. The levels of measurement for each of my variables has nominal indicators. This topic is relatively underexplored, disregarding sexual harassment. My research questions compares to other scholarly literature in that I am examining both rewards and risks associated with being a sexualized female in the restaurant industry, not just one concept. Furthermore I am a participant observer in this study allowing a closer look at the subjects at hand, with the ability to add personal stories to the research. Another of my objectives is to diminish the stereotypes on sexualized waitresses and to view the culture of the sexualized waitress as one that is empowering. 14 CONCEPTS The key concepts to my study are 1) the sexualized restaurant 2) the sexualized female 3) the risks of sexualized waitressing and 4) the rewards of sexualized waitressing. Since no definition for a sexualized restaurant is available, a sexualized workplace as defined by Szymanski and Moffitt (2011) is a work environment in which a) traditional male and female roles exist b) a high degree of attention is drawn to women’s bodies c) a high degree of probability of male contact exists d) there is approval of the male gaze. According to the American Psychological Association’s definition, a female is sexualized when individuals are regarded as sex objects and evaluated in terms of their physical characteristics and sexiness. Risks of sexualized waitressing involve psychological or physical harm and sexual harassment. Rewards of sexualized waitressing involve empowerment and financial gain. Since there are limited definitions available for the risks and rewards of sexualized waitressing, these definitions stem from my role as an active participant in sexualized waitressing and are common themes I expect to be coding for in my research. While these definitions are lacking in sociological significance I believe they are sufficient predictors of the results. 15 CHAPTER TWO RESEARCH DESIGN Site/setting/location The study will take place at a sexualized restaurant in Daytona Beach, Florida during the fall semester of 2015. This restaurant is located directly across from the landmark Daytona 500 Speedway This sexualized restaurant is chain based out of Atlanta, Georgia and employs primarily young women as waitresses and males as kitchen staff. The “Peekers girls” are often thought of as the heart of the company whose uniforms serve as a symbol of sex appeal for the company. This sexualized restaurant is a corporation that employs approximately 32 females who are expected to uphold the image standard an appeal to others as a “wholesome, All-American cheerleader type.” Time dimension and units of analysis The time dimension for the study is cross-sectional because it involves a questionnaire given to a sample of a population made at one point in time and observations at one point in time. The units of analysis are individual adult females because they comprise the “who” that is being examined in my study to explain a phenomenon occurring within a group of similar individuals. Assumptions Underlying my study are the assumptions that females are the objects of sexualization, as waitresses or bartenders. I make this assumption because a condition of employment at this sexualized restaurant is that only females can be employed as waitresses or bartenders. 16 Furthermore, I assume that there are risks and rewards associated with being a sexualized waitress. Regarding the use of a questionnaire, I assume that all respondents understand the questions in a similar way and that each respondent has access to the knowledge of how to respond to each question, for example they are familiar with their environment and understand the terms. The individual is also assumed to answer truthfully because of guaranteed confidentiality between the respondent and myself provided by the signed informed consent form. Delimitations The delimitations to my study include observing and surveying only individuals that work or have worked at the Daytona Beach restaurant, not Wing-House, Coyote Ugly, or Twin Peaks which are three similarly sexualized work environments. The justification for doing so stems from different company policies and standards that may differ from what is being observed currently at the Daytona Beach location I will be studying. A second delimitation is the fact that I have chosen to sample only 25 female waitresses and/or bartenders rather than the entire population, of which is easily accessible to me. I justify my actions by the fact that I am accounting for non-returned questionnaires and individuals who choose not to participate. Although I may give more than 25 female waitresses the questionnaire, I will select only thoroughly completed instruments in efforts to give only the most thorough representation of the study’s results. POPULATION AND SAMPLING DESIGN The population of my study is 32 female waitresses and/or bartenders at the Daytona Beach location. I am using a non-probability sampling design by relying on a convenience 17 sample of individuals at the Daytona Beach location of 25 female waitresses/bartenders. My sampling units are the individual female respondents and my sampling frame is the employee schedule. The observation units and sampling elements are also individual adult females. Convenience sampling is appropriate because time is of the essence for my study. Convenience sampling is also a method that is beneficial because of my role as a participant observer. Being employed at the location gives me easy access to the sample that I am studying. The issue of sampling bias occurs with questionnaires, but only when the researcher treats the results as an accurate description of the general public. The non-probability sampling design I have chosen does not allow for findings to be generalized to a larger population. Limitations The limitations to my study include using a convenience sample, of which results cannot be generalized to a larger population, only suggested. The justification for the use of convenience sampling is the fact that individuals may refuse to participate or be unavailable during the period of the study. A second limitation to my study is time. It is cross-sectional, therefore dependent upon certain conditions occurring during the time period, and only a snapshot of a particular problem. Measuring the participants over a period of years is relatively impossible because sexualized restaurant work is often part-time, and only a small number of individuals stay employed for many years or months. The existing literature on the topic presents another limitation due to the fact that I am conducting a pilot study for an underexplored topic. My research will add knowledge to the limited body of literature that exists and making my study as clear and repeatable as possible will ensure a good pilot study. 18 METHODS OF DATA COLLECTION I am conducting a mixed-methods study consisting of a sample of highly cooperative females. I will be distributing a paper questionnaire as well as creating an identical online version of the questionnaire using SurveyMonkey.com to appeal to as many respondents as possible and allow them to choose which option is more convenient for them. In order to find answers to my research questions I chose to create both a paper questionnaire and an online questionnaire to increase convenience for the respondents and allowing them to have a choice in using which survey method they preferred. By doing both a pencil and paper questionnaire as well as an electronic one I hoped to increase the response rate and number of participants in my study. In regards to the paper questionnaire I will ask that it be returned within a week, to me. Once paper questionnaires are returned I will input the responses verbatim into SurveyMonkey.com. The advantages of distributing a questionnaire are: cost effectiveness, the ability to gather a lot of information relatively quickly, and a higher level of objectivity since responses are gathered in a standardized way. A few disadvantages of a qualitative questionnaire are: time, since open-ended questions may take more time to code, the possibility of individuals misinterpreting questions, and the possibility that individuals will not respond. Validity of a questionnaire can be increased by asking enough questions to measure all concepts of the research question. Using precise and clear definitions for each construct will add to the validity of my instrument. Furthermore, running a small scale practice study can ensure that people understand the questions to enhance reliability. 19 INSTRUMENTATION Operational definitions of main concepts The main concepts to my study are: a sexualized restaurant, a sexualized female, the risks of being a sexualized waitress or bartender, and the rewards of being a sexualized waitress or bartender. A sexualized workplace is operationalized as one in which the uniforms are sexually suggestive, there is approval of the male gaze, and sexual innuendo and joking are accepted and used. Furthermore, the establishment must legally operate as one in which female sex-appeal is used for front-of-the-house occupations. This means that females will be the individuals that interact with customers, in the case of a sexualized restaurant. The sexualized female is defined as one in which a high degree of attention is drawn to the female body and uniform is considered to be sexually suggestive, and will be operationalized on a Likert scale of zero to four. The risks of sexualized waitressing is defined as physical or psychological harm or sexual harassment and will be operationalized by common themes or unique responses throughout the study. Lastly, I define the rewards of sexualized waitressing as financial or social gains as well as a sense of empowerment and will operationalize the responses by common themes or unique responses. I will be using a Likert scale for the questions that asses the uniform, enjoyment of sexualization, and job satisfaction. Open ended responses that asses the risks and rewards will be coded for common themes and divided into sub-themes if applicable and unique differences in the responses will be examined. PROCEDURE AND LOGISTICAL ISSUES Data collection will begin in October of 2015. The paper questionnaires will be hand delivered to female individuals on each of my shifts and the online survey will be available 20 beginning October 1, 2015. I will send the link for the questionnaire via our Facebook group chat, of which a majority-but not all- females have access to. I will ask that paper questionnaires be filled out at home or in a location most convenient and comfortable to the respondent and returned as promptly as possible, preferably within a week. The questionnaire will only be distributed to adult female waitresses or bartenders; not hostesses. Questionnaires will not be accessible to anyone but me, as I will keep paper questionnaires in a locked desk drawer and online respondent’s data requires two passwords to access. After all information is collected and my quota of 25 respondents is met, I will begin quantifying and coding the appropriate data after I enter the paper questionnaires into SurveyMonkey.com. I am choosing to do this because of several features offered by the site, such as word cloud technology and the calculations of means for Likert scale responses. A possible developmental logistical issue may be individuals that quit their job or get fired in the middle of the implementation of my study. However, the company employs another individual within a relatively short amount of time and I do have the ability to keep in contact with these former employees. A further logistical concern is questionnaires that are not returned or complete, of which I prefer not to include in my study. Ethical and political issues My study will ensure that participants sign an informed consent form indicating that they are individuals who are volunteers that may withdraw from the study at any time without any repercussions. Confidentiality is my biggest ethical concern and I will tell participants that they are not required to answer or reveal any information of which they do not wish to do so. I plan to keep questionnaires locked in a desk drawer that only I have access to and password protect any files containing their data. I will also keep names confidential in the final presentation of the 21 results. Changing the corporate name of the particular restaurant to something different such as “Peekers” or referring to the restaurant generally as a sexualized restaurant will correct any political issues I may face in reporting my study’s results. DATA PROCESSING AND ANALYSIS The level of measurement for a majority of my variables has nominal indicators. The level of agreement on the uniform’s sex appeal, enjoyment of sexualization, and job satisfaction will be analyzed using weighted averages based on a zero to four point scale ranging from strongly agree to strongly disagree. I will further examine the data presented by SurveyMonkey.com using the descriptive statistics, primarily the mean and count, to see if my results reveal similarities or differences among respondents. I plan to do this by using the descriptive statistics provided and determining the most common response to reveal agreements and disagreements among the sample. Using the mean and count is most appropriate because my study is mostly qualitative and there is a focus on the respondents’ statements on the risks and rewards rather than the enjoyment of sexualization, job satisfaction, and opinion of the uniform worn. Thematic analysis and word cloud technology will also be used, because my study is qualitative, to examine common themes or words found in the questionnaires. I will first gather the data, generate initial codes, search for common themes within the codes, review the data’s themes, and finally, refine and name the themes. The main theme within this study will be the examination of gender on sexualization and possible risks and rewards associated with being a female in a sexualized restaurant. The overarching theory is that of sexual objectification. I plan to see how a sexualized restaurant impacts individuals who work there. Additional themes I may be examining include: the effect education level has on feelings of sexual objectification/if the 22 uniform is sexual and whether individuals that choose to work at a sexualized restaurant describe themselves similarly. 23 CHAPTER THREE RESULTS This research was conducted to investigate the following research questions: 1. What are the risks and rewards of being a female in a sexualized restaurant? 2. What do these women have in common? 3. What makes these women different or unique from each other? Participants The study was undertaken in Daytona Beach, Florida at a restaurant employing sexualized workers. Twenty-five adult females were given the option to complete a paper and pencil questionnaire or the same questionnaire online using SurveyMonkey.com. Twenty-four out of 25 respondents (96%) are between the ages of 18 and 24 and one of the 25 respondents (4%) is between the ages of 45 and 54. There was minimal, but noticeable, ethnic diversity among respondents with 16 of the respondents (64%) describing themselves as Caucasian, six respondents (24%) describing themselves as African American, one (4%) describing herself as American Indian or Alaskan Native, one respondent (4%) describing herself as Asian or Pacific Islander, and one respondent (4%) describing themselves as Hispanic American. Two of the respondents were married (8%), nine were single but cohabiting with a significant other (36%), and the remaining 14 respondents were single, never married and not cohabiting with a significant other (56%). Education levels varied with two respondents (8%) being a high school graduate and not in college, 21 (84%) reporting some college, and two respondents (8%) having graduated from college. Table 1 presents this data below. 24 Table 1 Demographics of Participants Two of the respondents reported having one or two children (8%) with the remaining 23 respondents (92%) having zero children. Ten of the 25 respondents (40%) have been with the company for more than two years, six respondents (24%) have been with the company for 1-2 years, four respondents (16%) have been with the company for 6 months-1 year, and five (20%) have worked for the company for less than six months. Every respondent self-identified as a female, waitress, trainer, and/or bartender. The sample is not representative of the entire population of sexualized workers, but it is representative of the sexualized workers at the particular restaurant in Daytona Beach. Twenty-five individual adult females participated in the study out of a total population of 32 adult females. There was self-selection bias in this study because participants chose whether or not Age Count Percent% 18-24 24 96% 25-34 0 0% 45-54 1 4% Race/Ethnicity American Indian/ Alaskan Native 1 4% Asian/ Pacific Islander 1 4% Black/ African American 6 24% Hispanic American 1 4% White/ Caucasian 16 64% Marital Status Married 2 8% Single but cohabiting with significant other 9 36% Single, never married 14 56% Education Level Graduated High School 2 8% Some college 21 84% Graduated from college 2 8% 25 they wanted to participate, and I stated that participation was completely voluntary. Possible response bias is present in some respondents’ answers. Some questions asked respondents to “please explain” and the respondent chose not to. Among the Likert scale responses measuring the opinion on the uniform, job satisfaction, and enjoyment of sexualization the option “neither agree nor disagree” was frequently chosen. The questionnaire was particularly sensitive in nature, and therefore there was a level of intrusiveness into the respondent’s lives. There is also researcher bias, in that I know what my research questions are and probed for answers during everyday interactions with the girls, so that I could better answer these questions. In this study, I intended to explore how female sexualization affects individuals working in a sexualized restaurant and the risks and rewards associated with such sexualization. This study was conducted using a mixed-methods approach. I collected both qualitative and quantitative data because it allowed me to use all methods possible to answer my research questions. In an effort to keep data results logical, I will analyze my qualitative data first and then my quantitative data sections throughout this paper. After collecting my sample’s questionnaires and inputting each paper questionnaire into SurveyMonkey.com I read them and established the common words and themes in the responses presented throughout the questionnaire. To assist me in searching for common themes the word cloud technology provided by SurveyMonkey.com displayed the most commonly used words or phrases. The larger the font size, the more important or significant the word. I then used an inductive method to come up with my coding scheme. Using the computer program MaxQDA I began coding the data. Specifically, coding involved examining all the respondents’ data, keeping track of emerging themes, and examining how the themes presented relate back to my research questions. The codes were then sorted into themes and broken down into sub-themes, 26 which helped to develop the overall idea of the data. I determined ten common themes that arose as a result of my 25 participant’s responses. The ten common themes are organized into three categories: rewards, a neutral category, and risks. Themes that are neutral involve some responses that were both risks and rewards or neither a risk nor reward. The themes that were considered to be rewards were viewing oneself positively, friendships, receiving tuition reimbursement, and making good money. The neutral themes were an attention to weight, males judging appearance, and the job affecting the respondent’s future. The risks were feeling objectified, sexual harassment, and female judgment of sexualized workers. Table 2 displays these categories and codes tabularly. Table 2 Common Themes Risks Neutral Rewards Feeling objectified An attention to weight Viewing oneself positively Sexual harassment Males judging appearance Friendships Female judgment of workers Job affecting future Tuition reimbursement Making good money These themes are further described in detail later in this paper. By coding several of these themes, sub-themes began to emerge. Table 2.1 displays the themes and sub-themes visually. Table 2.1 Sub-themes Theme Subtheme(s) Viewing oneself positively 1) Physical attributes 2) Character attributes Friendships 1) Between coworkers 2) Between customers Tuition reimbursement Making good money 1) Big tips An attention to weight 1)Uniform 2)Image standards Males judge physical appearance Job affecting future 1)Positively: Gained knowledge 2) Negatively: 27 Stigma Feeling objectified 1) Symbolic uniform Sexual Harassment 1) Feeling unsafe 2) Being grabbed 3) Verbal harassment Females judge workers QUALITATIVE FINDINGS Category 1: The rewards of working in a sexualized restaurant Theme 1: Viewing oneself positively In responding to the question, “What are three words to describe yourself?” the respondents all viewed themselves in a positive manner. The respondents described themselves using character attributes more frequently than they did using physical attributes. This indicates something about the females that chose to work in a sexualized restaurant; they all have positive outlooks on themselves and their character. Sub-theme 1: Physical attributes Only two of the 25 respondents mentioned a physical characteristic to describe themselves, in which they stated they were “beautiful” or “pretty.” Sub-theme 2: Character attributes Friendly, happy, and honest each occurred 5 times out of the 25 respondents. Other frequent adjectives used were outgoing (4 out of 25 respondents), fun (4 out of 25 respondents), selfless (3 out of 25 respondents), and independent (3 out of 25 respondents). Some respondents even described themselves using all positive adjectives, for example respondent 17 described herself as outgoing, upbeat, and positive. Others mentioned being selfless and hardworking. 28 Figure 1 below displays the most commonly used words among the 25 respondents, each of which describes a feature of their character rather than their physical attributes. Figure 1 Most Commonly used Words One respondent (Respondent 12) claimed that she was “stubborn” but when asked for further meaning of what she meant by the term she claimed, “a good stubborn, like sticking to my views and morals.” Theme 2: Friendships A common response to the questions, “What do you find most rewarding about your job?” and “What is the best thing to happen to you while working here?” was friendships. Eighteen of the 25 respondents said friendships were the most rewarding or best thing to happen to them while working there. The friendships could be between a coworker, a customer, or both that impacted the respondent’s lives in a positive, lasting, and rewarding way. 5 5 5 4 4 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 Times word usedTimes word usedTimes word usedTimes word usedTimes word usedTimes word usedTimes word usedTimes word usedTimes word used Word used Word usedWord usedWord used Word used Word used What are three words to describe yourself? What are three words to describe yourself?What are three words to describe yourself? What are three words to describe yourself? What are three words to describe yourself?What are three words to describe yourself? What are three words to describe yourself?What are three words to describe yourself?What are three words to describe yourself?What are three words to describe yourself?What are three words to describe yourself?What are three words to describe yourself? What are three words to describe yourself?What are three words to describe yourself? 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Respondent 25 claimed that working at this sexualized restaurant has “provided friendships that last outside and beyond the workplace.” Respondent 21 claimed that, “Although Peekers is looked down on and judged by others, working there I created friendships.” These friendships are strong because it feels like no one but us understands the pathetic stereotype society has of us. This stereotype is clearly understood by the female respondents as one in which the sexualized workers are viewed as “having no brain (Respondent 14)” and that “our job is compared to being a stripper (Respondent 17)” and we are “some young girl who is prancing around with no clothes on and has no goals in life but to be a pretty, dumb Peekers girl” (Respondent 18) while we “try to come onto their man” (Respondent 23). This creates a sort of subculture among the girls in which social bonds become stronger, positively influencing their ability to cope with stressful events and situations. Sub-theme 2: Between customers and servers The friendships were described as not only among the girls but also customers becoming friends. Friendships between the girls and customers can be very rewarding and the customer is often a source of valuable social capital to the girls. Lawyers, car salesmen, nurses, and repairmen are just a few of the occupations obtained by a few of our “regulars.” I have also encountered hair stylists, renters, and psychiatrists who have offered their services after becoming kindly customers. In an openly communicative environment such as “Peekers” these customers often become friends who share their expertise, advice, and credibility for the benefit 30 of the individuals working at this sexualized restaurant. I am a potential law school applicant and one of my customers, a lawyer and now a good friend, is writing a positive letter of recommendation for my law school application process. The created friendships, whether between coworkers or customers, functions to make serving at this restaurant a rewarding opportunity. Theme 3: Tuition reimbursement One of the most important and generous benefits a company can offer is tuition reimbursement, a contractual arrangement between employer and employee that outlines specific terms under which the employer may pay for the employee's continuing education. At this restaurant, all hourly staffed employees are eligible to receive tuition reimbursement. To qualify one must be employed for six continuous months of service, be an active employee at the time of payout, attend an accredited college, and you can submit up to six courses. Tuition reimbursement, a reward of working in this particular sexualized restaurant, was mentioned by eight of the 25 respondents, often in response to the questions, “What do you find most rewarding about your job?” or “What is the best thing to happen to you while working here?” One respondent mentioned how tuition reimbursement was not only financially rewarding for a college student who is putting themselves through college but also motivation for her to make good grades. Another individual that indicated she had already graduated college claimed she chose to work at this sexualized restaurant because it helped her get through schooling. As an individual that also participates in the tuition reimbursement program, I was recently rewarded $400 for the semester. Amount reimbursed is based on the grade received and you must finish the class as well as the number of hours you worked. 31 Theme 4: Making good money Making good money was the most common theme throughout the respondent’s answers. Table 3 below shows examples of responses to several questions such as, “What do you find most rewarding about your job?” “Why did you decide to work here?” “What is the best thing to happen to you while working here?” and “Do you have any further comments about the risks and/or rewards of working in a sexualized restaurant?” Table 3 Supporting Quotes for "Good Money" Sub-theme 1: Big tips From personal experience and observation it is possible to make over $1,000 a day for at least two consecutive days during race week in Daytona Beach during February. Even on the slowest of nights, all but one respondent agreed that the tipped females make more money than the wage earning cooks. This single respondent (Respondent 12) thought that earnings were A $150 tip You can earn good money and have fun $600 in my pocket. Quick easy money $80 tip on a $14 tab, it made my day We are tipped a lot higher percentages than a lot of other area restaurants I can make extra money while going to school Friends saying they made more money than any other waitressing job. The money is one of the most rewarding parts of my job Once I got a $100 tip :) The tips are the only rewarding thing about this job Good money Race Week. Decent money, busy 32 roughly the same. No respondent thought that the male cooks make more than the female servers on any given night. Category 2: Neutral. Neither a risk nor reward of working in a sexualized restaurant Theme 5: An attention to weight A neutral code is one in which could be classified or perceived as a risk or reward. An attention to weight is classified as a neutral code because when weight was mentioned, it was expressed as both a positive and negative thing. Attention to weight was mentioned mostly in response to the question, “Do you enjoy the way the uniform makes you look/feel?” Sub-theme 1: The uniform Some respondents claimed that they feel suffocated or that they can see a thin girl liking it but not a chubbier girl. The uniform was mentioned by some as being revealing and mentioned by others as more clothing than what “some girls on beach side are wearing (Respondent 12).” Another respondent stated, “It is more flattering than a traditional uniform (Respondent 24).” When asked how this particular uniform was more flattering the respondent replied, ‘It allows us women to accentuate our beautiful curves rather than hide them like most jobs. Women are beautiful and should be allowed to show off their bodies rather than feel shame for having feminine features and curves.” Some girls mentioned not struggling with the image portion, as they are very petite, and others mentioned that they are currently losing weight to fit in the uniform. 33 Sub-theme 2: Image standards An attention to weight is very important at this sexualized restaurant as managers are required to tell you when you are “out of image” meaning that you are not at the weight or a similar weight to which you were hired. Once notified that you are out of image you have 30 days to lose the weight and if they see improvements you have an extra 20 days to get back down to the weight they hired you at. If you do not meet these requirements you will be terminated based on the “image rule.” This rule demands that the individual be physically fit with an “All-American cheerleader look.” An attention to weight was viewed positively because being healthy is part of the job. Managers suggest exercise, and we have tests that quiz us on the healthiest menu items. Being fit, active, and healthy is a positive lifestyle to lead and one that is encouraged by this restaurant. Theme 6: Males judge physical appearance Males judging appearance was another common response among the girls. One respondent elaborated that, “Males treat you as if you’re just a dumb Peekers girl and like slinging chicken wings is all you know and all you ever want to do in life (Respondent 18).” She further elaborated that this is very frustrating. On the other hand, another girl felt like she was being judged because the males “want” her. Another respondent (Respondent 8) stated that, “Men, no matter what, have an opinion on a woman.” Others claimed that males judge how they look but did not elaborate as to whether or not it was a good or bad thing. The girls do not feel emotionally judged by the male patrons, as they do female patrons, but rather judged solely on appearance. This appearance judgment is not taken offensively as the females are required to look their best and be “camera ready” at all times. As a “Peekers” girl one is always onstage. Upholding the image is not an easy task. A constant smile, an unfaltering great attitude, perfect 34 hair and makeup, and the perfect uniform are key. Maintaining these standards is called being “camera ready.” Theme 7: The job affecting the individual’s future Sub-theme 1: Positively affecting future; traits acquired While working at a sexualized restaurant, it was stated that this particular respondent learned invaluable skills such as learning to be more comfortable while public speaking and that the job built up her self-esteem (Respondent 21), both qualities that will affect her future career in a positive way. Learning to communicate is an important aspect of how the job will affect the individual’s future because you deal with many customers, some rude and ineffective at communicating. You have no option to speak your mind as a server at this sexualized restaurant and you must communicate effectively to handle the situation in the least intrusive way possible and by making as many people happy as possible. Communication must occur between you and the customer, as well as the manager and yourself, between the manager and the customer, and even sometimes the kitchen staff, manager, and yourself. All of this circular communication can certainly test your communication skills and in the end make you better able to handle stressful miscommunications and further your skills in communicating. Sub-theme 2: Negatively affecting future; stigma The stigma with this sexualized restaurant is exposed as the main attraction being large breasts and the intentional objectification of the female body for male pleasure. Females manage this stigma by being overly positive and providing individuating information to reduce discrimination as a result of the associated stigma. For some reason, the fact that we wear the same uniform seems to create the idea in society that we are the same person, the same 35 stereotyped being. The iconic sexualized uniform places us into this stigmatized category. Some respondents stated that they were nervous about people posting pictures online because of this. One in particular was afraid of being photographed in the uniform because she is going to be a teacher and that as a teacher the parents may not take her seriously if they were to ever see her working there (Respondent 23). This societal stereotype is disheartening because a job is a job, not necessarily a reflection on a person. Category 3: The risks of working in a sexualized restaurant Theme 8: Feeling objectified The difference between sexual empowerment and feeling objectified relates to power dynamics of a relationship. This power is often the power of consent, which means the person is entering the situation willingly and can leave the situation without consequences. On the contrary, an individual can be objectified if the "looking" person makes a non-sexual situation sexual. This is the issue at which many respondents found to be a risk associated with sexualized waitressing. The respondents felt objectified because of the uniform and the assumption that because of this uniform the relationship between waitress and customer was consentingly sexual when in reality the females view their work as non-sexual. Feeling like “a piece of meat” or feeling “like an object” was a common theme associated with the job of a sexualized worker. Sub-theme 1: Uniform symbolism as objectifying Customers assume that they have a right to “tell sexual jokes or make comments to us because of what we wear (Respondent 25).” As a result of the symbolic uniform many respondents felt objectified because of it and even responded that they felt an outside pressure to be perceived sexually. It was even mentioned that having to do hair and makeup as “camera 36 ready” all the time may make the individual feel not up to “satisfaction” and that may take a toll on the individual emotionally. Respondent 18 claims that she would become emotionally distressed going into work knowing that she was going to be sexually objectified, stared at, and loathed after. This respondent further states, “I feel extremely objectified in the uniform, but it is something you become numb to honestly. It becomes like throwing on a pair of sweats and a t-shirt eventually.” The respondents showed the most disagreement on feelings of objectification; some did not feel objectified anymore, but did initially, and for others they always felt and still feel objectified. All of the respondents viewed it as an emotionally distressing phenomenon rather than viewing this sexual objectification as positive and enjoying it. Rather, the concept to be examined further is that of empowerment, with a consentingly sexualized individual entering a non-sexual interaction with a customer and demonstrating the power in the relationship by receiving a capital gain. Theme 9: Sexual harassment Sexual harassment is any unwelcome sexual advance, request for sexual favor, or other verbal and physical conduct of a sexual nature that creates a hostile or offensive work environment. A verbal, physical, and emotional toll is taken by many of the females dealing with sexual harassment in the restaurant, and therefore is found to be most risky about working in a sexualized environment. Unfortunately the company’s non-harassment policy is taken lightheartedly, as the females are required to sign a sexual innuendo consent form insinuating that customer’s sexual innuendo and joking is commonplace. Respondent 22 claimed, “I can’t imagine my father ever flirting with young girls” because of the age demographic of a majority of the individuals who sexually harass the women. The sexual harassment is often handled by the individual, but a manager will get involved when necessary, and this may result in the patron 37 being asked to leave the premises, especially if alcohol is involved and the patron has physically touched the waitress or bartender. Sub-theme 1: Being grabbed Fifteen of the 25 (60%) adult female respondents admitted to being grabbed inappropriately while at work. The most common response was that customers have tried to kiss the girls or that they have grabbed their butt. These unwanted advances are seen as an annoyance and disgust the individuals working. One respondent even mentioned a female customer trying to kiss her. These unwanted advances are often handled by the waitresses themselves, but there has been instances of reporting the incident to a manager who then asks the customer to leave. One respondent even mentioned a time when she asked for a manager to handle the situation and he remained in the office (Respondent 11). Sub-theme 2: Verbal harassment A surprising finding came from the response that sexual harassment came not only from male patrons in a sexualized restaurant but females too. For example, many months ago a young girl waved a dollar bill in front of me and asked, “What are you going to do for this tip?” I was not only insulted and uncomfortable but I was amazed at her bold statement. I insisted that I was a server, not a stripper, she can put her money down, and I will bring her a Pepsi. Sexual harassment came in many forms from the respondents recollections, such as being grabbed inappropriately, kisses on the cheek, phone numbers and hotel keys left on the table with instructions to meet, perverted comments, and being requested to do things such as to get up on the table and dance for a group of men. Verbal harassment is much more common than is 38 physical harassment, but both forms can leave the female sexualized worker feeling “disgusted with where I work and worried about my safety when leaving work (Respondent 25).” Sub-theme 3: Feeling unsafe Stalking has occurred a handful of times by the customers, for example I recall a time when a customer waited for another girl to leave work by standing outside the driver’s side of her car. She let a manager know and the man left after being confronted. Another example of harassment comes from a coworker who did not participate in this questionnaire but agreed to tell her story. She was being harassed verbally by a male customer for four hours while behind the bar. He finally left. As we were leaving work as a group that night, a common safety practice, someone noticed a strange car with a man in it and said something to a manager. We were all rushed back inside and a manager called the cops. As we waited for the cops, a girl noticed that it was the same man from earlier. The police arrived and the man left and we were escorted to our cars safely. Theme 10: Females judge the workers Serving females as a sexualized waitress is always intimidating, and I consider their judgement of the female workers as a risk associated with working in a sexualized restaurant. The server never knows whether the female patron will be accepting of our job or judgmental of our job until she approaches and greets the table. A majority of respondents agreed that when females are accepting of our job they are more enjoyable to serve. Twenty out of 25 respondents agreed that they feel judged when they serve females. From firsthand experience, serving women in a sexualized restaurant is like a breath of fresh air, you actually get excited to see a woman walk in and sit in your section! Until… they begin to stare at you and respond very 39 sharply and even, “be very rude for no reason and find dumb reasons to leave you no tip (Respondent 14).” Other women are “always giving dirty looks (Respondent 15).” This does not go for every woman that walks into the restaurant, but for an estimated majority of them, the judgment is harsh and we feel it. Respondent 14 believes that “females can act ignorant because of what you are wearing” but this makes no sense to us as sexualized servers when you know what we are wearing before you walk into that restaurant. Women who walk in with their boyfriends and are judgmental are especially bewildering. Often it feels like they think we are trying to come onto their man, but in reality servers say they are more excited to see you, a female, a similar other, actually come into the restaurant. Several of the respondents agreed at being bewildered at the judgment especially when the women come in to eat with their boyfriend, husband, or significant other. Respondent 12 suggests a reason for the judgement by saying, “I think it is because of the restaurant's reputation, the females know why the male wanted to come here and they might feel intimidated by the way we look in our uniforms.” She further states, “It just makes me laugh though... Next time, why don't you suggest Applebee's for date night?” What we wear was a common suggestion by the respondents as to why the female patrons don’t respect us as individuals and give us offensive looks. In truth, the uniform is uncomfortable and we do not exactly enjoy it. Several respondents told me, “It gives me love handles” and that they feel suffocated. Two comments that many sexualized restaurant workers in a tight Lycra uniform can agree on. The uniform is a stigma symbol, discrediting the individual wearing it, and devaluing our presence in the face of other females. 40 QUANTITATIVE FINDINGS An important part of the study was an analysis of the respondent’s view on the uniform, level of job satisfaction, and the respondent’s enjoyment of sexualization. These sections helped to distinguish agreements and disagreements among females working in the same environment. This data also helps to answer my research questions, “What do these women have in common?” and “What makes these women different, or unique, from each other?” By inputting all of the respondent’s data a weighted average was calculated for the responses and the average response to each question was determined as well as the count indicating exactly how many respondents fell under each response category. Each section was assigned the exact same weights; the response “strongly agree” was assigned a weight of zero, “agree” a weight of one, “neither agree nor disagree” a weight of two, “disagree” a weight of three, and “strongly disagree” a weight of four. Table 4 as depicted below, measuring the respondent’s opinion on the uniform worn, visually depicts the responses to the section that discusses and measures the uniform. 41 Table 4 Opinion on Uniform Worn Table 4 above indicates a consensus among the respondents that the uniform is sexually suggestive, increases tips, and makes heterosexual men more attracted to the waitresses/bartenders. There was also an overall agreement among respondents that the uniform makes other individuals want to befriend the person wearing it, gives the individual wearing the uniform more attention, and causes the individual to feel a pressure to stay thin. Only one question elicited a common “neither agree nor disagree” response among 11 (44%) of the respondents and that question was, “You like this extra attention.” This indicates that most of the 42 women working there are neither bothered by the extra attention nor actually enjoying it. Not a single respondent admitted to strongly agreeing with the statement, but ten (40%) disagreed, indicating they did not like this extra attention. Enjoyment of Sexualization The second quantitative measure evaluated the respondent’s enjoyment of sexualization. This is important in understanding the individuals working in the sexualized restaurant industry and their personal views on sexualization. This measure is central to discovering if women feel more empowered or more oppressed by their identification with a sexualized image. Table 5 below, enjoyment of sexualization, visually depicts the question asked, the percent of responses, the count of responses, and the weighted average. This graphic shows that 19 (76%) of the females agreed that they love to feel sexy and 21 (84%) feel empowered when they look beautiful. No respondent strongly agreed that they liked showing off their body and 22 respondents (88%) did not feel complimented when men whistled at them. While 11 respondents (44%) neither agreed nor disagreed that they approve of the sexual nature of the job, 17 (68%) of the respondents disagreed with the statement, “You enjoy sexual joking/innuendo between you and your customers.” 43 Table 5 Enjoyment of Sexualization Job Satisfaction Lastly, I measured job satisfaction. Fourteen respondents (56%) believed that the good outweighs the bad when it comes to their place of work. Thirteen respondents (52%) are proud to work where they do. Only three respondents felt degraded at their place of work with ten (40%) of respondents neither agreeing nor disagreeing. Six respondents (24%) disagreed and six respondents (24%) strongly disagreed that they felt degraded. Furthermore, ten respondents (40%) agreed that it was a rewarding place to work. Interestingly, four respondents (16%) 44 disagreed or strongly disagreed with the statement, “It is a rewarding place to work.” More respondents liked/trusted their coworkers more than their managers with 17 (68%) agreeing or strongly agreeing that they liked/trust their coworkers and 13 respondents (52%) agreeing or strongly agreeing with liking/trusting their managers. Table 6 Level of Job Satisfaction 45 CHAPTER FOUR SUMMARY Among the 25 adult female workers ten common themes arose pertaining to the risks and rewards of working in a sexualized restaurant. The risks were feeling objectified, sexual harassment, and females judging the workers. The rewards were viewing oneself positively, creating friendships, making good money, and receiving tuition reimbursement. A neutral category of males judging physical appearance, job affecting future, and an attention to weight also arose. Sub-themes also arose for example, subthemes of viewing oneself positively are 1) physical attributes and 2) character attributes. Friendships were either 1) between coworkers or 2) between customers. A sub-theme of making good money was 1) big tips. An attention to weight created the sub-themes of 1) the uniform and 2) image standards. Sub-themes of the job affecting future were 1) positively; knowledge gained and 2) negatively; stigma associated with being a sexualized worker. The symbolic uniform was a sub-theme of feeling objectified. Sexual harassment sub-themes were 1) feeling unsafe 2) being grabbed and 3) verbal harassment The quantitative data revealed interesting similarities and differences among the workers in the categories of job satisfaction, opinion on the uniform worn, and level of enjoyment of sexualization. They are discussed in detail below. Job Satisfaction Interestingly, the data shows that more respondents liked/trusted their coworkers more than their managers. This discrepancy can be a result of the bond created between sexually objectified females and the ages of the individuals being similar. While some respondents believed that it was a rewarding place to work there were still some respondents that disagreed 46 with such a statement indicating that being objectified is not an enjoyable part of their lives. On the same hand, more respondents admitted to being proud to work where they do than not, insinuating a rational choice to weigh the costs of working at a sexualized restaurant to the benefits. Opinion on the uniform worn Most of the respondents believed the uniform was sexually suggestive to other individuals, interestingly fewer respondents personally believed the uniform was sexually suggestive. Furthermore most respondents realized that because of the uniform they receive extra attention. Most respondents neither agreed nor disagreed to liking this extra attention, with ten respondents disagreeing and only four respondents agreeing to liking the extra attention. A majority of respondents believed that the uniform makes heterosexual men more attracted to the waitresses or bartenders. Overall, the uniform is believed to be sexually suggestive and increases the attention drawn to the body of the female workers, and because of this tips are higher. Enjoyment of sexualization The respondents agreed that they loved to feel sexy and felt empowered when they look beautiful, but did not feel complimented when men whistle at them. More respondents disagreed or neither disagreed nor agreed that they liked showing off their body. Over half of respondents disagreed to feeling sexy and in control when wearing revealing clothing. Furthermore, more respondents thought it was not important that men were attracted to them. This data indicates that while the females who are sexually objectified love to feel sexy, they do it more for themselves than others, specifically men. The male gaze was received as neither unenjoyable nor enjoyable, 47 something more like just a part of the job. Interestingly, a majority of respondents disagreed to enjoying sexual joking/innuendo between them and their customers. DISCUSSION The purpose of this research was to explore the risks and rewards of working in a sexualized restaurant. Furthermore, I wanted to examine what makes the individuals who choose to work at a sexualized restaurant similar and different from each other. The results showed that there are three common risks associated with such a job, four common rewards, and two categories that are neutral, meaning either a risk or a reward. The quantitative data provided information regarding the individual’s level of job satisfaction, enjoyment of sexualization, and opinion on the uniform worn. The most common responses included feeling objectified and making good money providing to be the most pertinent concerns for the respondents. Seventeen respondents (68%) felt objectified wearing the uniform indicating that sexual objectification is an important concern to the individuals. However, 14 individuals (56%) indicated that they used sex appeal to make more money, for example by way of manipulating the uniform. One respondent indicated that this was by way of “wearing my tank top lower or my shorts higher (Respondent 14).” This sex appeal played in favor of 16 respondents (64%) tips, in which they saw an increase. I argue that women are not always degraded by sexual objectification and it can in fact be a natural part of life and, in some aspects, can even be rewarding. Catherine Mackinnon’s view of objectification supports that women’s objectification is demanded and inflicted by men in our societies, but surprisingly only twelve respondents (48%) felt judged by men solely based on their appearance, the remainder felt no judgment at all. Furthermore, only nine respondents (36%) felt an outside pressure to be perceived sexually indicating that 16 respondents (64%) did not feel an outside 48 pressure to be perceived sexually. This indicates that the women working in a sexualized restaurant did not perceive objectification by men as an issue at which they were overly concerned. Therefore, in the matter of objectification, context is everything. The women use their sex appeal as a means of capitalist production. The women use their bodies to make good money. Sexual objectification broadly means treating an individual as a commodity or an object without regard to their personality or dignity. Two of the women claimed to feel as though they were a “piece of meat” in which men did not value their intelligence, and ten respondents mentioned feeling objectified by men. Sexual objectification theory also played a pertinent role in the study because of the study’s involvement with traditional gender role socialization, the bodies of women on display, and the acknowledgement and approval of the male gaze. The uniform presented a distinct issue among the women. There was a divide between the women on enjoying the way the uniform made them look/feel. Certain respondents felt sexy/pretty in the uniform; others felt like it made them an object of unwanted sexualized attention. When asked if they thought they worked in a sexualized restaurant 22 respondents (88%) said yes. Often this was because of the uniform and the attention that it brings to the individual. Traditional gender role socialization was noted frequently when the respondents discussed having to be “camera ready” all the time and up to the image standards of hair and makeup constantly being done. Acknowledgment and approval of the male gaze was a constant issue. The females, 12 respondents (48%) mostly agreed that they feel proud when men compliment the way they look. Of the respondents, only five (20%) disagreed with that statement. Sexual harassment was an issue faced by most of the females. My study found that the sexualized female has developed tactics to moderate the exploitive elements of her job. Many 49 females responded to sexual comments or jokes by laughing it off or explaining that they had a boyfriend and were not interested. Twenty-two females (88%) responded that they were not complimented by catcalling, such as whistling, by men. This obvious degradation was handled by women in ways that they have developed to manage such distress. Brushing it off, politely declining, or keeping distance from the customer are other common ways in which the females cope with unwanted advances. One particularly bothersome issue with working in a sexually objectifying environment is that there is an unwritten rule that these women must not talk back to the customer when comments are made that they dislike. If the women were to talk back to the customer when an unwanted advance was made they run the risk of making the customer angry, losing a tip, or getting in trouble with a manager for not being friendly. Having the option to speak their mind when comments are made or having a way for managers to know the uncomfortable situations these females are placed in was important to the respondents. IMPLICATIONS The main goal of this research was to provide knowledge about the individuals who choose to work in a sexualized workplace. Furthermore, I hoped to lessen the stereotype on sexualized workers by describing rewards gained from their work and providing insight into who the individual actually is, despite being a sexual object. This study has attempted to do so by analyzing 25 adult female sexualized workers’ questionnaires and through participant observation in such an environment. The research provides insight into the sexualized worker, how they describe themselves, what they are experiencing, and what makes them different from each other. Theoretical implications for this study stem from feelings of objectification, viewing oneself positively, and weighing the cost of objectification to the benefit of making good money. 50 The women, as objectification theory proclaims, do not enjoy the feeling of being treated as an object. Catherine MacKinnon’s view of gender realism, that these women share a sort of culture and possess distinct similarities, is upheld by this study. The females all viewed themselves positively and shared common experiences in the sexualized restaurant. As rational choice theory states, the females did weigh the costs and benefits. They prepared themselves for objectification in return for making good money. Implications from this study show that the sexualized females do not enjoy the feeling of being objectified but choose to objectify themselves in order to make good money. This profit allows them to pay their tuition in order to receive a better education. Being objectified has taught these individuals to be more comfortable talking to groups of complete strangers and helped to develop communication skills that will affect their future positively. Policy implications from this study also arise. Current stereotypes of the female sexualized worker are detaching women from each other. Female judgment of the sexualized worker has negative effects on the individual, who just as everyone else, wants acceptance. If, as feminist theory articulates, females are to stick together to reduce inequality, then female judgment of the sexualized worker should diminish. One must understand that the sexualized restaurant worker is there to make money and friendships, not be a threat to you or your significant other. This blame on women for lack of solidarity does not address how this disconnect stems from patriarchal ideals and norms. Females must change their attitudes towards the sexualized worker and accept that this is just the individual’s way of making a living and paying her bills temporarily. 51 STRENGTHS The strengths of this mixed methods study involve the ability to conduct cross-case comparisons and analysis as well as provide an understanding and description of the respondent’s personal experiences of the phenomenon of risks and rewards of working in a sexualized restaurant. Furthermore, a qualitative design was useful for studying a limited number of cases in depth to get a better understanding of this complex phenomenon. The strengths of the quantitative aspect of this study were gathering large amounts of data in relatively quick and numerical ways to reach an understanding of how much the respondents agree with each other on questions regarding their opinions. This allowed me to analyze factors, including disagreements among respondents, to develop a response to my research question of what makes these individuals different or unique from one another. Participant observation allowed me to minimize socially desirable answers and get a more in-depth look at the interactions and factors that create the risks and rewards of working in a sexualized restaurant. Evidence is more valid because individuals behave as they normally do and it digs deep into social interactions, allowing me to take the viewpoint of a participant rather than a researcher. As a participant these experiences were lived and I could relate them to my research questions. Overall, the strengths of a mixed- methods approach are that the strengths of one approach can help to overcome the weaknesses of another approach. Stronger evidence for my conclusions are developed as a result and I provided insight and understanding that may have been missed had I used only one approach. In retrospect I believe my mixed-methods approach 52 helped to develop the credibility of my study by providing precise and numerical data as well as personal and valuable insights from workers in this particularly hard to study setting. WEAKNESSES/LIMITATIONS The weaknesses of using a qualitative study design is the inability to generalize to a larger population and the influence of personal biases on the results. The weaknesses of a qualitative design was reducing responses down to numbers therefore not getting a comprehensive written response, as a qualitative study permits. The weaknesses of participant observation was studying a small group of individuals therefore the study lacked in representativeness of a larger population and the observations cannot be checked for reliability. Possible limitations to my research may involve personal biases affecting the results. Overall, a mixed methods design is time consuming and knowledge of how to appropriately mix both methods may not be adequate. SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH This study could be implemented on a larger scale that is, distributing the questionnaire to several sexualized restaurants and discovering what a larger population of females perceive as potential risks and rewards. Additionally, I would like to see more information on how these females perceive themselves over time, although this may be difficult as these types of jobs are often part-time temporary jobs for these females. Building on the potential rewards females find within this type of work may also be an interesting development to theories, such as the feminist paradigm and objectification theory. Expanding the questionnaire by asking more questions would develop a better understanding of these females and their potential risks and rewards faced in the sexualized restaurant. An even larger scale study examining all places of sexualized work, 53 such as a strip club, could be compared to the sexualized restaurant worker to develop key differences in female objectification and potential risks and rewards as they may vary job by job. CONCLUSION Overall the rewards outweigh the risks for a female working in a sexually objectifying restaurant. “In order to be successful at this job, you have to take the good with the bad. Yes, you will have some customers who are out of line, but you will also meet some very nice people who make the job worthwhile. If you are a college student like myself, having a flexible schedule and constant money is a plus (Respondent 6).” As this respondent stated, many females agreed that you have to take the good with the bad when it comes to working in a sexually suggestive restaurant. A main conclusion is that sometimes it doesn’t even matter what the individual is wearing as compared to the personality of the customer. Without a negative or sexual comment by the customer, there would be no sexual harassment in this job. However, because of what the employee is wearing customers believe they have the right to discuss such sexual things or be sexually suggestive to the individual. On the other hand, you do have customers that treat you as a professional individual, after all, it is a job. The risks incurred such as sexual harassment, feeling objectified, and females judging the workers are all a result of the customer’s personality, not fault of the sexualized worker. The rewards are more indicative of the individual, such as how they all view themselves in a positive manner, how they make good money, how they have learned valuable skills such as communication and public speaking, and how they have created friendships that will last a lifetime. By using word cloud technology, the motivation to apply at this sexualized restaurant was commonly stated as, “tuition reimbursement, good money, easy money, and fun.” Money played an important factor into the female respondent’s decisions to work here. Why does this restaurant 54 seem to get better tips than the restaurant next door? The iconic uniform, the personality of the females, and the service lead to better tips. The uniform is sexualized and sex sells. The females all view themselves in a positive manner, many considering themselves bubbly and a happy person and as a result this seems to elicit more positive responses from others. The service is “hands free” meaning you never let the guest do more than they have to- you pour their beer, open their ketchup, and play games with their children. This type of exceptional service is rewarded monetarily. The location of the restaurant brings in extra customers especially during events such as race week. The respondents can make upwards to a thousand dollars a day during race week in February and that is a very hard reward to resist. Although the workers feel objectified the good outweighs the bad in this situation. Although there is a stereotype surrounding such a sexualized worker, respondent 21 claims that working there she has created friendships, built up her self- esteem, and learned how to be more comfortable talking to groups of complete strangers. All of these qualities and skills will benefit her future career. While some individuals may view this restaurant job as a joke, the skills learned there are invaluable to her and one respondent even claimed that in no way does she ever regret working there. The lessons and skills learned come from constant objectification, which if you look at it in a positive light, can be a good thing. Females who self-objectify learn the practice of capitalizing upon their other marketable skills and talents to add value to their appearance. For example, I may be obviously less attractive than the waitress next to me, but I have outstanding depth and intelligence, and as a result I will emphasize my skills to increase my likeability to the customer by placing value on who I am and what I can do. Although the workers do not personally enjoy sexual joking/innuendo between them and their customers there are bonds formed among the coworkers that serve as invaluable friendships because of the 55 constant exposure to objectifying situations. This sexualized restaurant work makes the camaraderie among coworkers a bit more sexually suggestive than a less sexualized workplace. This sexualized camaraderie is only accepted between coworkers and is regarded and unprofessional by several respondents if it is between customers. In conclusion, the rewards outweigh the risks for the females who work in this sexualized environment. The objectification may take a toll on the individual, the sexual harassment may make the individual feel uncomfortable, and the female population’s judgment on the workers is disheartening, but altogether the money, skills, tuition reimbursement, and friendships make it worth the risks. It is important to note that twenty-three (92%) of these women are working here part-time throughout college, or were employed while working through college, of which they already graduated. Furthermore, the age demographic is 96%, or 24 respondents, aged 18-24. Sexualized restaurant waitressing is its own subculture, one approving of the objectification of women. Given the variety and complexity of women’s experiences, some women may have more positive experiences or find ways to personally benefit from their position in this type of subculture. From participant observation it is central to the study that the reader be informed of the role the sexualized female fulfills while “onstage” or “on the floor” interacting with customers. In interactions with men, and sometimes women, the girls are always putting on a performance, both emotionally and physically. When I am at work, I am playing a role that I detach myself from as soon as I clock out each shift. I act in ways that a typical sexualized worker is expected to act, bubbly and incredibly friendly, and ensuring that I am making the customer a priority. As soon as I clock out the smile drops, my hair goes in a bun, and I talk to as few individuals as possible. 56 Immediately upon entering the environment customers are greeted by women who are extremely cheerful, vivacious, and always smiling. Beyond an upheld requirement for a nearly flawless appearance we are to “never let the customer see you sweat.” In sum, this means we are to have a personality as unfaltering as our physical appearance regardless of how emotional you may truly be or how rudely a customer is treating you. This emotional labor is an aspect of the job that the customers do not observe. Sexualized females’ abilities to manage their emotions is a valuable skill that could be used to gain control over customers. Furthermore, there are a variety of ways in which sexualized females create an ideal, but ultimately artificial or shallow, relationship. The girls at this workplace often have a running joke that they “get paid to bullshit people all day.” In sum, the sexualized restaurant waitress is a complex phenomenon and limited literature exists when understanding and describing the females behind the work. 57 Works Cited: Adkins, Lisa. 1992. “Sexual Work and the Employment of Women in the Service Industries.” The Sociological Review 207-228. Breines, J. G., Crocker, J., & Garcia, J. A. (2008). Self-objectification and well-being in women’s daily lives. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. 34: 583–598. Erchull, Mindy and Miriam Liss. 2013. “Feminists who flaunt it: exploring the enjoyment of sexualization among young feminist women.” Journal of Applied Social Psychology 43: 2341-2349 Hall, Elaine J. 1993. “Waitering/ Waitressing: Engendering the Work of Table Servers.” Gender and Society 7(3): 329-346. Hundhammer, T and Thomas Mussweiler. 2012. “How Sex Puts You in Gendered Shoes: Sexuality Priming Leads to Gender- Based Self- Perception and Behavior.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 103(1): 176-193. LaPointe, Eleanor. 1992. “Relationships with Waitresses: Gendered Social Distance in Restaurant Hierarchies.” Qualitative Sociology 15(4): 377-393. Lerum, Kari. 2004. “Sexuality, Power, and Camaraderie in Service Work.” Gender and Society 18(6): 756-776. Loe, Meika. 1996. “Working for Men- at the Intersection of Power, Gender, and Sexuality.” Sociological Inquiry 66(4): 399-421. Moffitt, Lauren and Dawn Syzmanski. 2011. “Experiencing Sexually Objectifying Environments: A Qualitative Study.” The Counseling Psychologist 39(1): 67-106. 58 Muller, Ursula, Birgit Riegraf, and Sylvia Wilz. 2013. “Geschlecht und Organisation.” Springer- Verlag Myott, Maria. 2014. “New Report: 90% of Female Restaurant Workers Experience Sexual Harassment.” Restaurant Opportunities Centers United. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. 2011. “Feminist Perspectives on Sex and Gender.” Szymanski, Dawn and Chandra Feltman. 2015. “Linking Sexually Objectifying Work Environments among Waitresses to Psychological and Job- Related Outcomes.” Psychology of Women Quarterly 39(3): 390-404. 59 Appendix A Before taking my first course in Sociology, I was not even sure what exactly Sociology was or the focus of it. These courses alone taught me everything I know today. I learned that researching a topic you are passionate about is the greatest way to produce a successful project. As a result, I am more confident in my ability as a researcher and in my ability to apply sociological thought to my everyday life. The way the courses are arranged is very logical. The faculty is the best part because the communication and engagement between faculty and students was beyond exceptional. The one suggestion I had for improvement has already been implemented; the additional time for the Social Research Methods class. It is a lot of information, mostly unfamiliar information, for a student to grasp. Overall, I am proud that I chose Sociology as my major, the knowledge I gained, and the fact that I have tangible proof of all of my hard work. 60 Appendix B The following table is a description of the demographic information and the corresponding participant’s number of which they are associated with. Respondent # Age Ethnicity Education level 1 20 Caucasian Some College 2 21 African-American Some College 3 18 Caucasian Graduated High School 4 18 American Indian/Alaskan Native Some College 5 20 Caucasian Some College 6 21 African-American Some College 7 21 Caucasian Graduated High School 8 20 Caucasian Some College 9 23 Hispanic American Graduated College 10 21 Asian/Pacific Islander Graduated College 11 21 Caucasian Some College 12 21 Caucasian Some College 13 20 Caucasian Some College 14 20 Caucasian Some College 15 19 Caucasian Some College 16 47 Caucasian Some College 17 20 African-American Some College 18 22 African-American Some College 19 21 Caucasian Some College 20 20 Caucasian Some College 21 24 Caucasian Some College 22 20 African-American Some College 23 23 Caucasian Some College 24 20 African-American Some College 25 19 Caucasian Some College 61 Appendix C Consent to Participate in Research A Mixed- Methods Examination of the Risks and Rewards Being a Female in a Sexualized Restaurant We invite you to participate in a research study for my undergraduate degree in Sociology at Stetson University. The study will be conducted by me, Victoria Tomkinson, under supervision by my faculty advisor, Dr. Rachel Core. Your participation in this study is voluntary. Please read the information below before agreeing to participate in the study and feel free to ask any questions regarding anything you may not understand or state any hesitations you may have before participation. Please feel free to contact Victoria Tomkinson at 850-691-7916 or [email protected] or Dr. Rachel Core at [email protected]. *Purpose of the Study The study is designed to discover the risks and rewards for women present at a sexualized workplace, in particular, the one you currently work at. I will be examining how power, gender, and sexuality all work together to provide disadvantages and advantages for the women who serve in a sexually objectified environment. *Duration and Location The questionnaire will be distributed to you at your place of employment, however it should be completed at home or at the location most convenient to you. The questionnaire should take you approximately 20 to 40 minutes to complete. Once finished, please return the questionnaires to me, as soon as possible. *Procedures If you agree to volunteer for this study you will be asked to do the following things: 1) Complete a questionnaire thoroughly and to the best of your knowledge (20 to 40 minutes). 2) Return the questionnaire within a week, or at your earliest convenience, to me. *Potential Risks and Discomforts Questionnaires will not be anonymous, however they will be kept confidential. Your questionnaire will be kept in a personal locked desk drawer and shredded once the research is completed. No one will have access to your information except me, the researcher. The information gathered will be of a sensitive nature, and there may be potential discomforts or psychological risks of which are not yet known. Please do not hesitate to ignore a question which you deem to be of any psychological or emotional harm to you. When the results of the research are presented and/or published your identity will not be revealed, unless you consent to your name and information from the study being used. Consent will only be given if you specifically state orally and in writing that you agree to the use of your name and information being revealed. 62 *Anticipated Benefits You will receive no direct benefits from your participation in this study, however your participation will help researchers further understand the risks and rewards you find present at a sexualized workplace. Little empirical literature exists on this topic so far, and the results may prove to be intriguing enough for other researchers to examine. *Financial Costs to the Subject There will be no financial costs for your voluntary participation in this study. *Statement from Subject: I _____________________________________freely consent to the use of photographs, audio, and video recording of my words and/or actions as described above in this study. I understand that the recordings may be used as described in presentations, research reports, and other formats, and I waive the right to inspect or approve use of this material as incorporated in the work. I acknowledge that investigators shall be under no obligation to use the recordings in the work. I release investigators, sponsors and successors from any claims that may arise regarding the use of the recordings, including any claims of defamation, invasion of privacy, or infringement of moral rights, rights of publicity or copyright. I acknowledge that I have no ownership rights in the recordings or the research. _____________________________________________________________ Signature of Subject Date *Participation and Withdrawal Your participation in this research is voluntary. If you choose not to participate that decision will not affect your relationship with your place of employment, or myself, because of my involvement with you, the subject, and the place of employment. If you decide to participate, you are free to withdraw your consent and discontinue participation at any time without prejudice. There will be no consequences at any time for your decision to withdraw or for your decision to not participate. *Rights of Research Participants You may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue participation without penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies because of your participation in this research study. If you have questions regarding your rights as a research subject, please contact the Chair of the IRBHP or Matthew Schrager, Executive Assistant to the Provost (386-822-8155 or [email protected]). 63 *Signature of Research Subject I have read the information provided above. I have been given an opportunity to ask questions and all of my questions have been answered to my satisfaction. I have been given a copy of this form. ________________________________________ Name of Subject _______________________________________ ______________ Signature of Subject Date SIGNATURE OF WITNESS My signature as witness certifies that the subject signed this consent form in my presence as his/her voluntary act and deed. ________________________________________ Name of Witness _______________________________ _____________________________ Signature of Witness Date SIGNATURE OF INVESTIGATOR ________________________ _ _____________________________ Signature of Investigator Date 64 Name_____________________________________________________ Please write your response to the question on the line provided, this section is the demographics portion of the questionnaire. 1. With which gender do you identify? __________________________________ 2. What is your age? ________________________________________________ 3. What position do you occupy? Example: server, trainer, bartender ________________________________________________________________ 4. What is the highest level of education you have completed? ________________________________________________________________ 5. What is your race/ethnicity? _________________________________________ 6. What is your current relationship status? _______________________________ 7. Do you have any children? ___________________________________________ 8. If yes, how many? __________________________________________________ 9. How long have you worked at the company _____________________________ This section will discuss the uniform worn by female individuals at your place of occupation. Please indicate whether you agree, disagree, or have no opinion on the following statements. 0= Strongly Agree 1= Agree 2=Neither Agree nor Disagree 3= Disagree 4=Strongly Disagree 1. The uniform is sexually suggestive to other individuals________ 2. You believe the uniform is sexually suggestive ________ 3. The uniform increases tips ________ 4. The uniform makes heterosexual men feel sexually attracted to the waitresses/bartenders ________ 5. Because of the uniform, people want to befriend the individual wearing it __________ 6. Because of the uniform you receive more attention __________ 7. You like this extra attention because of the uniform __________ 8. You feel pressure to stay thin ________ 65 This section will measure economic inequality. Please provide written responses to the questions below. 1. What month of the year do you feel that you make the most money? ____________________ 2. Do you think males or females make more money at your job? ________________________ The following questions will measure enjoyment of sexualization. Please indicate whether you strongly agree, agree, disagree, strongly disagree, or neither agree nor disagree with the following questions. 0= Strongly Agree 1= Agree 2=Neither Agree nor Disagree 3= Disagree 4=Strongly Disagree 1. It is important to me that men are attracted to me _____________ 2. I feel proud when men compliment the way I look ______________ 3. I want men to look at me _______________ 4. I love to feel sexy _______________ 5. I like showing off my body ______________ 6. I feel complimented when men whistle at me ______________ 7. When wearing revealing clothing, I feel sexy and in control ______________ 8. I feel empowered when I look beautiful _________________ 9. You enjoy it when men look at you ______________ 10. There is an approval of sexual joking/ innuendo at your workplace _________________ 11. You approve of the sexual nature of your job _____________ 12. You enjoy sexual joking and innuendo between you and your customers _____________ The following questions will measure job satisfaction. Please indicate whether you strongly agree, agree, disagree, strongly disagree, or neither agree nor disagree with the following questions. 0= Strongly Agree 1= Agree 2= Neither Agree nor Disagree 3= Disagree 4= Strongly Disagree 1. You are satisfied with your job ___________________ 2. You are proud to work where you do ______________ 3. You are satisfied with your salary _________________ 4. You are satisfied with your current position _________ 5. You like/ trust your coworkers ____________ 6. You like/ trust your managers ______________ 7. It is a rewarding place to work ______________ 8. The good outweighs the bad when it comes to your job ______________ 9. You are rewarded for the quality of your efforts _______________ 10. You feel degraded at your place of work ____________________ The following questions are open-ended, requiring more than one word responses. 66 1. Why did you decide to work here? ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 2. What are three words to describe yourself? ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 3. A sexualized workplace is defined as one in which any verbal or physical contact that occurs among persons at work that could be sensual or sexual in intent or content. Do you feel that you work in a sexualized workplace? If yes, how so? ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 4. Do you use sexual joking and suggestions at your workplace, whether between you and a customer or other employees? Please specify. ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 5. Do you use sex appeal to make more money? Example: Flirting, manipulating the uniform, or talking suggestively to customers? If yes, how? ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 6. If you answered yes to the question above, have you seen an increase in tips because of this use of sex appeal? __________________________________________________________________ 67 7. Do you feel objectified in the uniform? ________________________________________________________________________ 8. Do you enjoy the way the uniform makes you look/feel? Please explain. ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 9. Do you think your job provides you with rewards, other than financially? Example: flexible hours, discounts at stores, friendships, etc. ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 10. Which gender is more enjoyable to serve? _______________________________________________________________________ 11. Do you feel judged when you serve females? If yes, how? ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 12. Do you feel judged when you serve males? If yes, how? ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 13. Have you ever been threatened or grabbed inappropriately by a customer? ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 68 14. Have you ever received unwanted advances from a customer? Were they male or female? How did you respond? ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 15. Have you ever been stalked by a customer? How? (via social network, following you home, etc) ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 16. Has a customer ever caused you emotional distress? How? ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 17. Has working in a sexually objectifying environment ever caused emotional distress? How? ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 18. Do you feel an outside pressure to be perceived sexually? ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 19. What is the worst thing to ever happen to you while working here? ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 69 20. What is the best thing to happen to you while working here? ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 21. What do you find most rewarding about your job? ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 22. What do you find to be most risky about your job? ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 23. Do you have any further comments regarding the risks and/or rewards of working in a sexualized restaurant that you would like me to include in my research? ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________